Amy Tans, A Pair of Tickets essays

Amy Tan's, A Pair of Tickets essays In Amy Tans, A Pair of Tickets, June May is the main character who struggles as she searches through her mothers past and tries to become more in touch with her Chinese roots. Throughout the short story, Junes inner conflicts deal with feelings of resentment for her mother and her ethnic identity. At a young age, June May was in denial of her ethnic identity. I was fifteen and had vigorously denied that I had any Chinese whatsoever below my skin. I was a sophomore at Galileo High in San Francisco, and all my Caucasian friends agreed: I was about as Chinese as they were. At the age of 36, Ive never really known what it means to be Chinese(190). June has feelings of resentment for her mother because her mother never told her of her older half-sisters. She feels as if she never really knew her mother. June May takes a journey to China to fulfill her mothers wishes of finding her long lost abandoned twins and to identify with her Chinese culture. The setting of Guangzhou, China, helps June May realize the extreme changes of place and culture. Before arriving to China, June May had different perspectives of China. She thought of China as a dirty, poor, and slummy country. Arriving to Guangzhou China, she realized China was not what she had anticipated. The construction of downtown Guangzhou and the shoving and pushing of crowds made June May feel at home. And then we are caught in a stream of people rushing, and shoving, pushing us along, until we find ourselves in one of a dozen lines waiting to go through customs. I feel as if I were getting on a number 30 Stockton bus in San Francisco (197). Once June May and her father arrived at the Garden Hotel, June could not believe how nice the hotel was even though it was cheap to stay there. She thought that there was going to be a giant feast with Peking duck and the works, but her father decided to dine in the hotel roo...

Do You Need a High School Diploma

Do You Need a High School Diploma SAT / ACT Prep Online Guides and Tips If you didn't graduate from high school, going back and finishing it so you can finally get your high school diploma is a practical step. But if you’re an adult well past your teenage years, the prospect of going back to high school can be pretty intimidating.Fortunately, there are alternative ways adults can earn a high school diploma. Read on to learn more about what the general steps are for getting a high school diploma, how important having the physical diploma is, whether you can attend college without a high school diploma, and what your options are for legitimate adult high school diploma programs. Do You Need to Graduate to Get a High School Diploma? In general, to earn a high school diploma in the US, you need to have completed 12th grade and graduated high school. More specifically, you need to have met all of your state’s graduation requirements and taken all required courses. This is the most common path for getting a high school diploma. But what if you left high school before you had the chance to graduate? In this case, you can get a high school diploma by taking the classes you need to fulfill your state’s high school graduation and credit requirements. For example, if you were one English course short of graduating, you could enroll in an adult high school diploma program, through which you'd take the English class you need to get the diploma. If you need a lot of credits to finish high school (for instance, maybe you missed a whole grade of high school), another option is to take a high school equivalency test, such as the GED, HiSET, or TASC tests. By passing one of these tests, you’ll receive a diploma or certificate that's similar to a high school diploma and indicates that you’ve achieved US high school educational standards. This is called a high school equivalency diploma. In most cases, a high school equivalency diploma is equivalent to a high school diploma; however, some universities and employers prefer a traditional high school diploma over one of these equivalents and, as a result, might look down on it. Ifyou're younger than your state's age for enrolling in high school, I strongly recommend going back to high school to earn your regular high school diploma instead of opting for one of these equivalents. This age limit varies by state but is usually around 21 years. Unfortunately, your elementary school diploma won't help you on the job hunt. How Important Is Having a Physical High School Diploma? It’s critical tokeep your original high school diploma in a safe place.This is because potential employers and colleges might ask to see a copy of your diploma as proof that you completed high school and have the fundamental knowledge and skills needed for a particular job or educational program. Online schools are especially likely to request or require a copy of your high school diploma for enrollment purposes. Though it’s possible you’ll never have to show anyone your high school diploma (other than your proud parents), you should always have a copy of it on hand, just in case. If you lost your high school diploma or don’t remember getting a physical diploma, you can easily request a copy of yours by contacting your old high school(or, if your high school is no longer in operation, your former education department or school district). Refer toour step-by-step guide to learn more about securing a copy of your high school diploma. Can You Attend College Without a High School Diploma? The short answer is no, not usually. If you want to attend a four-year college or university with the goal of getting a bachelor’s degree, you will not be able to unless you have a high school diploma or high school equivalency diploma, such as the GED. (Note that not all colleges accept a GED in lieu of a traditional diploma.) That said, most community colleges allow students to enroll without a high school diploma. You usually just need to be at least 18 years old to enroll- that’s it! If you think you’ll eventually want to transfer to a four-year college/university from a community college, know that you’ll likely need to take the GED or an equivalent test before you can do so. How to Get a High School Diploma as an Adult: 2 Methods If you’re older than your state’s maximum age limit for enrolling in high school or would prefer an alternative way of earning a high school diploma, you have the option of doing an in-person adult high school diploma program orattendingan online high school. Method 1: In-Person Adult High School Diploma Program One way to get your high school diploma is to enroll in an adult high school diploma program. These in-person classes are specifically geared toward adults looking to return to high school and get their diplomas(instead of, say, a GED). With these programs, you'll take only the courses you need to graduate. For instance, if you’re short a math and an English class, you’d take these two classes in your adult high school diploma program, allowing you to fulfill your state's graduation requirements and thus earn a high school diploma. Most adult high school diploma programs are free or pretty cheap,and are offered on weekdays and weeknights. The best way to find a legitimate adult high school diploma program near you is to contact a public university or community college in your area. These institutions should be able to tell you whom to contact about adult education programs. You can also see what information your state's official website provides regarding adult education programs. Just search on Google for "[Your State] adult education site:.gov."For example, the Michigan state website offers a bunch of helpful information on free and low-cost adult education programs in counties all around Michigan. Always beware of online scams that claim to give out high school diplomas. These "diploma mills," as they’re called, will often charge you a high fee to take unaccredited courses, earning you afake credential that’s not recognized anywhere! If you’re not sure whether a program is legitimate, check with your state department of education. Method 2: Online High School The second way adults can earn a high school diploma is to enroll in an online high school. This option is considered more convenient than Method 1 asyou can attend class and study from the comfort of your own home, allowing you to get your high school diploma online. Many online private high schools require a fee to attend, which can be really high sometimes, especially if the program is offered through a prestigious college or university. In addition, some online high schools have an age limit, so check that you’re eligible to attend before you decide on a school. Make sure that the school you’re considering is legitimate. Many online high schools aren’t accredited (even if they claim to be) and can’t award you an authentic high school diploma. If you’re unsure whether an online high school is legitimate, contact your state's department of education. You can also get in touch with a local community college or public college/university, which will helpyou find online high schools thatare accredited and accept adult learners. Here are some well-known schools that allow you to get your high school diploma online: Stanford Online High School (no adult learners) BYU Independent Study High School(offers program for adult learners) UT Austin High School (no age restrictions) Texas Success Academy (offers program for adult learners) University of Nebraska High School (no age restrictions) Recap: Do You Need a High School Diploma? Most people earn their high school diplomas by completing 12th grade and meeting their state's high school graduation requirements. Even if you left school before you got a diploma, there are ways you can get one as an adult. Your two main options are to enroll in an in-person adult high school diploma program or attend an accredited online high school. Many prefer the latter because it’s more convenient and allows you to get your high school diploma online without having to go anywhere. As with anything you pay for, besure to vet any adult high school diploma programs (both in-person and online) you're considering attending. You don’t want to lose money to a scam that awards you with a fake credential! Reach out toyour state’s department of education to get more information about legitimate (online) schools and programs for adult learners. If you'd rather notgo back and get your high school diploma, you can insteadtake a high school equivalency test, such as the GED. While you don’t need a high school diploma to apply for jobs or enroll at a community college, having one will allow you to go to a four-year college or university. A high school diploma also means you’ll be making more money on average than if you didn’t have one! Don't feel as though there are no options available to you- you'llnever be too old to go back and get that high school diploma! What’s Next? Considering attending an online high school? Learn about how to avoid unaccredited schools and how an online education differs from a traditional one. We also maintaina list of 100+ free online high schools! For a full review of a top-notch online high school, check out our in-depth guide to Stanford Online High School. Not interested in getting a traditional high school diploma? Then considergetting a high school equivalency diploma.Our guide goes over what this diploma is and how to get one.

Conference 6 Coursework Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Conference 6 - Coursework Example etermination of budget priorities however, leads to economic growth of entire country as well as state and this is driven by world knowledge economy provided by competition norm both within and outside a country. More so, budget priorities brings about globalization through an essence of global networks and this in turn leads to tremendous opportunities for trading, building relationship as well as working in partnership triggered by effective communication. As far as the aspect of budget priority is of concern, the world becomes more interconnected specifically through trading activities, new trends activities, interests sharing, technology, and mostly through cyberspace. It is at this point that we learn co-existence between the National Security council and the Office of Management and budget as far as budgeting priorities are of concern. Through effective communication and forms of communication, for the National Security council to initiate any transaction, it need to liaise with the office of management and budget to get accountability on the basis of resources allocation, acquisition and amendments that might have come across due to either outside on internal

Developing Self Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Developing Self - Essay Example Upon graduation, my first job was that of presenter of Oriental Princess, a prominent cosmetics company in Thailand, during which time I gained the exposure I needed in public relations. Thereafter, I transferred to Boonrod Company where I worked as marketing officer, and it was here that I realized my calling was in the field of marketing. I felt that I liked the challenges of being confronted with problems and finding creative solutions for them. I enjoyed meeting new people and gaining new experiences. There is much about myself that I feel I am still not aware of. According to the Milesians, first school of Greek philosophy before even Plato and Socrates, the most difficult of undertakings is to seek self-knowledge (Burnet, 1920). Easily also, it can be the most painful. This is because first step to self-knowledge is always to confront the reality of oneself, not only the virtuous and laudable, but also the mediocre and humiliating. When one is blind to her shortcomings, she is normally unable to address them and, therefore, unable to improve herself. Being manager is assuming a position of great responsibility. A manager is both agent to the organization and leader to the workers, thus she is committed to both. In order to successfully perform these roles, one must be aware of strengths, that he may use them, and weaknesses, that he may compensate for or eliminate them. Plan. To plan is to think through the programs and processes that must be undertaken to achieve the organizational goals. The plan is a blueprint of the organisation’s activities, and will be the basis for exerting control over the various activities. Aside from determining what to do, planning entails the forecasting of the four M’s - materials, manpower, machinery, and money – required to operationalise the plans. As early as this step, the manager must be aware of

Of Mice and Men Essay Example for Free

Of Mice and Men Essay For my coursework, I am going to write about how John Steinbeck, Announces and presents the two characters George and Lennie in the book; Of Mice and Men; and how the relationships between the characters make the story as good as it is. Steinbeck uses a high definition of detail to introduce the two men, George and Lennie: by using similes, personification and metaphors; he gives a large imagery effect of what the people look like (George and Lennie). Small, quick, dark of face, with restless eyes and sharp, strong features. By using informative text like this you get the idea if someone is small they are generally about 5ft tall he hasnt been able to wash for a while due to dark of face (or this fellow hasnt been a rich person and has worked all his life), with sharp strong features must mean he has been working, maybe as a labourer or a outlaw. The second figure a huge man, shapeless of face, with large pale eyes, with wide, sloping shoulders; and he walked heavily, dragging his feet a little, the way a bear drags his paws. His arms did not swing at his sides, but hung loosely. The second fellows description gives me the idea he is slightly retarded; the way his arms do not swing and the way he uses features of a bear I find it that bears haves docile features, e.g. the use of there paws and the expression on the faces. He is also the follower. Steinbeck puts it across that the large person has no perception of danger; the way he flung down his blankets and drank from the surface of the green pool. Then the small fellow starts shouting his name, Lennie! Dont drink so much ; hinting he has awareness that they maybe danger with the pool being green. The way he drinks from the pool also gives the impression that he is slightly retard long gulps, snorting, and like a horse all strong descriptive words, makes the reader think hand on what is the guy a animal or a human? He gives him animal (inhuman) qualities. Steinbeck puts Lennie across as a child making his splashes of rings across the pool and George the leader. And again when Lennie goes to take a sip from water he is giving him the characteristics of a animal dipping his large paw into the water George is put across to have a strong bond with Lennie helping each other is the key to the story. The link between the characters is they are together in the early 1900s men didnt generally go around together them days, it was everyone for themselves with the American dream (The American aspect is that anyone can get to any position of work, wealth etc. with working for it.) On page 6 Steinbeck shows that the characters are frustrated He said angrily, We could just as well of rode clear to the ranch if that bastard bus driver knew what he was talkin about. Jes a little stretch. God damn near four miles, thats what it was! Didnt wanta stop at the ranch gate, thats what? Too god damn lazy to stop in Soledad at all. Kicks us out and says, jes a little stretch down the road. I bet it was more than four miles. Damn hot day. Steinbeck uses strong language in this text to show the frustration of lazy drivers and how people dont care most probably because Lennie is a retard and its how its was in the early 1900s. George is looking after Lennie; Steinbeck gives the hint in page 7 where George is looking after Lennies work card. Lennie also likes to pet small soft animals in the book, he holds mice at the start of the book, later on we find out Lennie likes to pet mice that his aunt gave him; but with him being so clumsy he squashes them to death and keeps them because there soft, because he has the mental age of a 8yr old and he doesnt know any better. George has to keep an eye out for this because we all know fresh mice will carry disease. Later on in the book, we find out that George and Lennie has a dream of owning a small ranch and Lennie wants to pet the rabbits. They have a little bit of money stored back and hope to make there dram come true shortly and they discuss that if there is any trouble in Soledad they will meet up in the wooded area, there was trouble in weed (the town they last had a place of work in). Lennie likes pretty colours and got attracted to a girls dress, when the girl said, let go, he hung on in fear and the girls escaped shouting rape, of course, Lennie would have been trialled and sentenced to death for this, so they made a run for it. In addition, eventually made it to a ranch in Soledad. For Lennie to remember things George gets him to repeat himself several times this way he remembers what has been said. When they get to the ranch, Lennie is instructed not to say a word to anyone, they dont want the ranch owner to find out Lennie isnt as smart as he looks, so they go meet the owner and George tries to answer all the questions, the owner thinks its suspicious the two guys travelling together, and makes Lennie talk. Anyhow, they get there way around it and go to the bunkhouse. Also in the book Slim gives Lennie a pup, since he aint allowed mice since they where always dying in his pocket, the guys thought that having a pup might be easier for him as its bigger and stronger and it will grow older to be bigger and stronger, unluckily this doesnt happen like the mice the pup also dies. There is a repetition of this through the book, and the persistence of a gun, and things (animals) dying. As they kill candys dog, it is taken outside and shot! I think that J. Steinbeck had made the book so that repetition of incidents are made to drag the reader into thinking I think something isnt going to be too good at the end of this book, people classed as animals, and everything being killed or shot? Curly is a character in the book with a fiery temper he is the ranch owners son and was a lightweight boxer, married (just) to His wife who is clearly given no name but referred to as Curlys wife, making it so that she is his possession. There is always an assumtion of a fight when curly enters the story line, he is always looking for his wife and always curious of what she is up to. Candy gets in on the American dream offering Lennie and George some money to buy the land and do it as he is fed up of being on the ranch. This way they can go to there dream and letting Lennie play with the rabbits but, he also would be out of danger e.g. the incident in weed that wouldnt be possible to happen as it would be on there land. A few pages on from curly being part of the American dream, Lennie has a fight with Curly and severely damages his fist breaking every bone in his hand! This now gives curly a reason not to like Lennie. Anyhow the guys go out and start playing horseshoes, Lennie was in the barn stroking his pup when it went to bite him; he hit the pup and he had killed it! Anyhow he was so upset thinking George wouldnt let him tend his rabbits in the dream they were having, Curlys wife walked in with here hair and make up all done so smartly, with a nice dress on. Curlys wife had been told she could have been a actor in Hollywood, and a guy would write to her but she was never wrote to, putting it across that her mother never let her seen the letters; while trying to prove to Lennie she could be a actor. Lennie explained his dream to Curlys wife, as Curlys wife was such a tease, moved closer and closer to Lennie, Lennie was going on about how he likes to stroke and pet soft things. Several times, she called Lennie nuts. She let Lennie stroke her hair, repeatedly and he stroked it harder, harder and harder, until she cried let go, Lennie grabbed her and covered her mouth telling her not to cry as he will get into trouble. She then struggled and Lennie shook her, he killed her, broke her neck, he dropped her and she laid there; he realised what he had done and ran into the brush where George had told him to go, Lennie had remembered he had to run to the brush. Once the guys found out she was dead Curly wanted him dead he got his gun and went out and his horse to get him with the guys. Curly now had a real reason to go and get Lennie; George knew exactly where to find him. George took a gun and went to go find Lennie, he found Lennie exactly where he had told him where to go, he started to talk to Lennie and got him to tell George about there dream and what it was going to be like, George lifted to gun to the back of Lennies head and shot him! The crash of the shot was heard echoing about the valleys. Steinbeck at the end of the story did not say if George ever made his American dream with candy of if he ever got Trialled for murder. This shows how the American dream doesnt always go to plan and maybe its just luck that gets you there, but does show you how the guys tried, and the relationship between people in them days sometimes led to hard consequences.

Chapter-V Discussion, conclusion and Recommendations

Chapter-V Discussion, conclusion and Recommendations It is relatively easy to appreciate that one of the major issues in regard of the over all health scenario concerned their value to the prisons correctional system. The present research has uncovered the fact that there may included be several problem involved with the administrative, organizational and facilities regarding prison sports as well as establishing respectable physical activities program in a variety of institution including prisons. The long term inmates have suffered dispersal policy. This policy hold that prisons must be concerned with security first and for most, with other issues being unimportant. In the process sum of the program which have suffered include education and recreation. This is problematic because such programs help to lower tension in prisons and build better relationship between staff and inmates. The researcher found that most conventional social activities in prison are sedentary, non-physically active, and similar types of pursuits. One of the major problems in prison recreation and sports is that it primarily serve the purpose of alleviating boredom and passing the time more quickly. Various prisoners made demand to the researcher that there must be a provision to reduce the amount of time spent in there barracks and increase the amount of time for sports activities. They also insisted that better sports facilities must be provided. Model Prison Manual, (2003) of India, states the presence of physical educator in every jail. Despite the injunction by the model prison the researcher found no physical educator in any of the jails undertaken in the study and the allotted time for sports activities was inadequate and the necessary facilities regarding any type of physical activities had not been provided. The lack of government funds, detrimental social attitude and legislation, limited staff, over crowding, inadequate facilities, spars equipments and old fashioned recreational philosophy reduce the chances of inmate to get engage in systematic sports and physical activities. Many inmates recognize that very limited sports facilities (31.91%) are available to them whereas large number of inmates (82.82 %) are interested in sports activities which are not offered often, the stated sports facility needs of inmates are not even considered when developing any program for the jail upliftment. Another problem with prison sports programs involves factors associated with motivation. Inmates often participated in activities for the rewards such as escape from work, trophies and better diet etc. All these extrinsic motivational factor are likely to produce lesser chances of enhancing self image, confidence are likely to shallow. According Card (1983) inmates who take part in recreational activity because of there own personnel interest will likely reap greater benefits than those who become involve primarily through the persuasion. The Government of India ranked the use of sports and other physical activities, high alongwith higher education, establishing the family health and welfare, defense of the country and work for modern India to lead the country at the global plane. Recreation and other sports activities have been the means of obtaining many individual and social benefits. Constructive use of physical activities gives human beings and outlet for creativity and self expression. According to Nash (1971), this drive may be expressed high on a scale in terms of be expressed high on a scale in terms of be explorer, inventor, discoverer, or in the limitless typed of hobbies. Recreation has not only played an important part in the treatment program of the mentally ill, but it has kept patient well. In the light of the preceding discussion, sports may be potentially valuable rehabilitative tools in correction of moral behavior of prisoners. By having the discussion of the researcher with the prisoners in various jails, it had been concluded that physical activities sports and their related facilities would give more balanced life to prisoners and those who are not able are willing the participate in physically active sports should have other options available to them. McDermott. King (1989), found that prisoners are very much involve with physical education for two basic purposes. First it helps to defend against a prisoners physical mental decline. Second it help a better relationship between the prisoners and the prison staff. Following the analysis of data generated during the study following were the main findings: sports facilities and their administration were inadequate and poorly administered, the programs in relation to sports lacked specific goals, the programs help pass the time but served no rehabilitative purpose, there was very little carry-over value of prison activities because many of the sports facilities were inadequate, and attitudes towards recreational activities were mostly before ones incarceration and would rarely be changed by sparse existing rehabilitation and physical activities programs in Uttar Pradesh Mandal Jails. Flynn (1974), Observed reason for limited recreational activities is due to the staff concerned for the security. The greater amount of security that is required, the greater amount it well coast. There is usually a shortage of staff at institution which creates problems with general security procedures. If security is a problem with a general prison population, physical activities programs may provide greater burden on security. A good prison sports program must be well planned to suit the needs of inmates. Forced participation would defeat the purpose of corrections. With careful planning and developing large number of facilities and activities can be provided for the prisoners in any prison. The introduction of community based sports programs with the quality of recreation opportunity as well as the creative reintegration of an offender with his or her family and within greater social system. Security, however, must still be considered apriority for the community. Muth (1974) opined that having the capability of participating in recreational activities with ones partner and/or children gives the offender a much better opportunity to keep his/her family intact. According to World Health Organization (2003) the prisoner must be treated as complete whole person. The recreation aspect of life is stressed to help the offender in this way. During incarceration, inmates suffer the loss of many things: freedom, a sense of reality, sensory experiences, and the reality of who they are. Through participation in sports and other activities, inmates can experience some limited control over these areas for short period of time. The participation will also help on offender in the re-socialization process. Who believes that an inmates need to be seen as a total person for them to become better citizens and recreation through basic sports facilities within the prisons walls is a part of this concept. Though Model Prison Manual, 2003 of India did mention about the Physical Training Instructor under the Educational Personnel of administrative frame-work of jail personnel, but forget to mention the duties of Physical Training Instructor under the heading Duties of Educational Personnel. This itself shows the lack of awareness, among the jail policy-makers, about the importance of games and sports for the rehabilitation of incarcerated persons. Special discussion is required for the Kanpur Mandal Jail due to the fact that the Senior Superintendent of Jail denied the permission the carryout the proposed research work though the researcher produced all the relevant documents of permission and orders to collect the data from the highest authority of Uttar Pradesh Jails, i.e. the Director General of Jail, Jail Administration Reform Services, Uttar Pradesh, Lucknow. The administrator of the Kanpur District Jail did not comply with the orders and repudiate the researcher to access into the jail premise to collect the relevant data for the present study. The similar administrator told the researcher to go away from his office immediately and escorted the researcher up to the main gate of the jail to ensure the exit of the researcher from the jail premise. Hence the researcher could not collect data from the Kanpur Mandal Jail due to the preceding mishappening. Discussion On Hypothesis: The first hypothesis in the chapter-I was mentioned as Jails do not have an effective organizational set-up for sports. As it has been found during the survey of all the Mandal Jails of Uttar Pradesh that the organizational set-up is not up to the mark for sports as has been depicted in the following Figure: Figure-18 Column Diagram of Organizational Set-up of Uttar Pradesh Jails Hence, the first hypothesis of the study has been achieved. The second hypothesis in the chapter-I was mentioned as Jails do not have an effective sports administrative setup to ensure proper growth and development of jail inmates. As it has been found during the survey of all the Mandal Jails of Uttar Pradesh that the administrative set-up is not up to the mark for sports as has been depicted in the following Figure: Figure-19 Column Diagram of Administrative Set-up of Uttar Pradesh Jails Hence, the second hypothesis of the study has been achieved. The third hypothesis in the chapter-I was mentioned as Jails do not have proper infrastructural facilities in term of play fields, equipments, coaching facilities etc. As it has been found during the survey of all the Mandal Jails of Uttar Pradesh that the infrastructural facilities is not up to the mark for sports as has been depicted in the following Figure: Figure-20 Column Diagram of Infrastructural Facilities of Uttar Pradesh Jails Hence, the third hypothesis of the study has been achieved. 4. The fourth hypothesis in the chapter-I was mentioned as Jails (of All Mandals in Uttar Pradesh) do not have an ideal set-up for sports. The researcher has taken the Model Prison Manual, 2003 of India as the criterion for ideal set-up. The preceding manual states that every jail should have one physical training instructor (page no.44, chapter- 4.03.4-b) under the Educational Personnel but the researcher did not find any physical training instructor in any of the jails of Uttar Pradesh Mandal. Hence, the fourth hypothesis of the study has also been achieved. Conclusion Prisoners often appear to have high rates of recidivism partly as a result of feeling of certainty about their ability to succeed on the outside world. This study does not suggest any co-relation between the availability and use of existing facilities for use of sports and the correction in offenders behaviors. It only suggests, by review of literature and discussion with prisoners that it is possible that participating in sports can have long term effects if there continued after release from prison. Here the researcher opines that if the prisoners keep themselves physically active and goal oriented in prison, they may accomplish the same purpose outside of prison. The study suggests the inadequate facilities for sports and non-availability of physical training instructor in the prisons, often hamper the proper planned physical activities for prisoners. The respondents of the study were prisoners and various jails administrators. Almost all the respondents argued that sports acted a s a release for aggressive energy rather than contributing to further aggression. Given the results of the study in chapter four the government of India, with the prisons, should strive for two main objectives: (i) social control and (ii) rehabilitation. Recreation with the help of sports and other physical activities should be implemented for the former, while education should be implemented for the latter. Recommendations There should be a post of Physical Training Instructor to conduct program of demanding physical activities for jail inmates. Along with the unemployment and poverty, sports and recreation programs should be viewed as the establishment of a general strategy to improve the opportunity of improvement in jail inmates. Recommendations are made for the development of sports or recreation programs as a preventative role for youth-at-risk; and the development of sporting and recreation facilities and opportunities for inmates including financial assistance for sports facilities and development of any existing facilities. It is suggested that for any long term change to occur the programs need to offer follow-up program. The same is true for physical activities programs which should be considered as only a partial solution for the crime rate in India. More qualitative empirical data should be gathered for the sports programs and its inclusion in jail programs. Further researches are needed to provide holistic view of the relationship between various physical activities and crime records. It is suggested to consider a requirement to monitor program to a consistent, minimum standard for the introduction and development of sports facilities for jai inmates. Various sports federations should be encouraged to participate and promote sports activities in jails for correctional recreational. It is also suggested that a clear setup post-program opportunities for participation in various physical activities, particularly in programs with objective of developing the offenders participation to being and independent activity. Clear and systematic communication between any external organization running a physical activity program and the jail official responsible for over-seeing the program. Explicit acknowledgement of achievement by inmates participations in various games and sports, if appropriate by formal awards. A high quality of staff delivering the physical activity programs should be posted at every jail, not simply to deliver the activity but more importantly to achieve the difficult mix of being able to develop personal social skills, engender mutual respect and maintain a clear behavioral code and discipline. Consensus statement on physical activity programs promotion in prisons should be drafted by all the research agencies and universities running physical education courses in order to facilitate to raise standards in health promotion of prisoners by engaging in different forms of physical activities. It is recommended that whenever imprisonment in imposed, however, loss of freedom constitutes the punishment; health and wellbeing must not be compromise. Sports in prison communities requires immediate financial boost in this blessed land of forth-coming xix Common Wealth Games, New Delhi- 3 14 October, 2010. Government of India should establish special programs, through existing tertiary institutions and distance courses, to train jail administrators for physical activities and sports. Directorate General of Jail and other similar agency issue or verify the identity card of the researcher on their letterpad in order to smooth conductance of the research work. The use of community sports and recreational resources must be emphasized. The purpose and content of sports and other recreational programs in all the jail settings must be redefined. Physical activities, leisure services and various sports programs must become an integral component of the inmates treatment process. Recreational rehabilitative programs should be based on more extensive and reliable analysis in order to ensure high quality programs. Newer study may be taken to analyze the number of sports persons and their participation in jails. Government should allocate separate budget for intensive sports programs aiming for the rehabilitation and to promote wellness, a healthy life style and decrease medical treatment as envisaged by the World Health Organization (2003).

Animal Imagery in King Lear Essay

Animal Imagery in King Lear A common misconception during the Elizabethan Era is that humans are superior to animals. Fudge shows this by stating: â€Å"where there is a fear of the collapse of difference, there is also an urgent need to reiterate human superiority† (Fudge 2). Throughout King Lear, Shakespeare challenges this boundary that has been desperately enforced by humans for so many years. The strict distinction between humans and animals is trivialized as Shakespeare continuously alludes to the relationships between his characters, animals, and other species. With this being said, the audience is able to see how the play King Lear, exposes a number of Shakespeare’s interesting literary choices. One that is used frequently within the play is animal imagery, where the characteristics of specific individuals relate to the qualities associated with a particular animal. Through the use of a dragon, serpent, and bird, Shakespeare utilizes animal imagery to relate common understandings and representations of animals to highlight both the characters’ true qualities and their relevance through a feminist lens. The juxtaposition of human and animal in King Lear is effective in establishing the idea that humans and animals are not as dissimilar as many believe, and in fact possess many of the same underlying qualities. The image of a dragon is used by Shakespeare to portray King Lear’s emotions. Although dragons are traditionally mythological creatures, their possessive qualities and explosive personality are traits that humans also possess. For example, Lear refers to himself as a dragon when he states, â€Å"come not between the dragon and his wrath† (1. . 126). At this point in the play, it is evident that Lear possesses qualities of a dragon as he is very easily enraged, and views himself as a very powerful and important person. He becomes enraged at the fact that his prized possession or treasure, Cordelia, is being put in jeopardy by her response. Lear and a dragon both show how the concept of change can make one become very vulnerable. Although Lear’s inflexible personality causes him to banish Cordelia, the thought of losing his favourite daughter will become everlasting in his mind. Both a dragon and Lear have become so accustomed to their roles of protecting, that the idea of change may cause them to lash out. Furthermore, Lear shows how he feels superior to everyone below him in the hierarchy. His actions reveal that he sees himself as untouchable and is willing to pose threats to anyone he may feel uncomfortable or intimidated by. Even though Kent is giving Lear priceless advice, Lear’s current state of vulnerability causes him to usher threats and make idiotic decisions. Lear’s comments out of anger and his comparison to being a dragon shows how males have ultimate authority over women, and are able to speak their minds without consequences. In addition, men can be distinguished as the dominant gender since Lear parallel’s a dragon’s characteristics of being a very powerful creature and leader. Although Lear is willing to divide his kingdom up, he does not suggest that he is willing to give up any of his power. Lear still wants to remain as a leading figure and have full authority over everyone. There is no mention of a Queen being present, or the balance of power shifting to anyone else other than Lear. Therefore it is evident that Shakespeare uses animal imagery to show Lear’s fiery personality and male authority. Traditionally, snakes are seen as predatory animals that are feared by almost everyone. Being related to a snake is not normally a positive comparison, thus, one must commit a significantly evil action to be called one. The first reference to a snake is when Lear is ranting about Goneril to Regan. He states, â€Å"[Goneril] struck me with her tounge/ most serpant-like, upon the very heart† (2. 4. 169-170). In a traditional fight, a snake is almost powerless; however, it is known that by being smart and deceptive, snakes can be victorious in battle. Goneril shows this by flattering her father’s ego in order to obtain his riches. Once she takes her father’s wealth, she orders him to get rid of his knights, and ultimately kicks him out, with nowhere to go. Goneril’s cunning ability allows her to destroy her father, while benefiting herself. These villainous actions that she commits come as a surprise to Lear because he is blind to the fact that he is being cheated and robbed of his possessions from the second he offered the division of his kingdom. Just like a snake, the element of surprise is utilized by Goneril to catch her father off guard and thus, diminish his power without any consequences. Furthermore, this shows how greed and wealth can cause humans to make rash decisions, and therefore be compared to poisonous beasts. As the play comes to an end, one can see how the quote becomes very ironic as Goneril decides to poison her sister. Therefore not only does she possess the same mentality as a snake, she also follows through with her actions physically by the use of poison. Through a feminist lens, one could say that men are quick to blame women for their actions and mistakes. Lear is too busy feeling sorry for himself to realize that he was the cause of his own sadness and destruction. However, instead of acknowledging this fact, he immediately refers to his daughter as a snake. The representation of women as snakes shows the imbalance of power in society. In order for women to make their own decisions, they must be sly and quiet about them because they have no right to speak their minds in front of men. Therefore, instead of stating their own opinion, they must comply with the needs and wants of the men around them. Even if they have an excellent idea, it will most likely be opposed by men simply because women are viewed as being less capable or credible. With this being said, Shakespeare uses the image of snake to highlight the many evil and manipulative qualities that humans possess. Shakespeare utilizes the image of a bird to reflect both positive and negative attributes within his characters. Unlike most animals, birds are able to express both predatory and peaceful instincts. Towards the end of the play, the reference of a bird is seen in a positive way, as it represents the renewal of life and freedom. This is present when Lear states, â€Å"we two alone will sing like birds in a cage† (5. 3. 10). The quote emphasizes irony as both Lear and Cordelia are literally in prison like a bird in a cage. Despite the fact that they are captive, and about to lose their lives, their overall happiness is restored because they are together once again. After the climax of the play causes extreme pain and agony for both characters, being together with the one whom they can trust and care for is the best possible reward, regardless of the setting. Now that Lear and Cordelia are free from the evil sisters, they can live happily for the rest of their lives. This in turn causes them to sing like birds, or in other words, express their true happiness. This is a very controversial moment in the play, as it is the moment when Lear finally brings good-spirits to the tragedy that has taken place. Now that he is free of his arrogance and illusions, he is able to see the true love of Cordelia. The use of a caged bird describes Cordelia’s character perfectly. Throughout the play, she is expected to play the traditional role of a woman, which is to look pretty and â€Å"sing† charmingly. This suggests that women are expected to act only in the way that their male authorities desire. However, although Cordelia has done nothing wrong and has continued to be a loyal wife and daughter, she still ends up dead as a result of her sisters actions. Just like a caged bird, women are forced to live through the terms of their owners. Therefore, even though they have the ability to be free, they are obligated to listen to whatever their owners want. Also, this shows how men view themselves as providers, and the advantage of this is they recognize that majority of women would not be able to cope by themselves in a male dominated society. On the contrary, Shakespeare uses the image of a bird to show their more predatory and savage-like behaviours. These birds contradict the traditional image of a bird as they are very dangerous and aggressive. Throughout the play there are multiple references to these birds such as, â€Å"the hedge-sparrow fed the cuckoo so long,/ that it’s had it head bit off by it young† (1. 4. 203-204). The fool states this to Lear because he is aware of the evil actions that both Goneril and Regan are committing. Both daughters are raised by Lear therefore they know all his weaknesses and are able to take advantage of them. Also, once they are able to realize that their father is becoming old and weak, they take this opportunity to rid him of his power very quickly. The next examples of predatory birds in the play are once again used to make reference to the two evil daughters. However, this time Lear calls Goneril a â€Å"detested kite† (1. 4. 254), and states that both of them are â€Å"pelican daughters† (3. 4. 74). Lear now realizes that he has been deceived by his daughters and that his power has been stripped from him. These two references are also ironic, as these two birds are known to eat the flesh of decaying corpses. In many ways Lear represents a decaying corpse, as he is becoming old and powerless; therefore he can be easily taken advantage off. Thus, the image of birds throughout the play is critical because it allows Shakespeare to portray the positive and negative attributes in his characters. Throughout history, the disparity between animals and humans is unclear. However, Shakespeare effortlessly brings light to this subject as he is able to indirectly reveal the personalities of his characters by making connections to the qualities of particular animals. This literary method is known as animal imagery, and the characteristics that both humans and animals share allow one to conclude that they are very much similar in the way they act. In King Lear, a dragon, serpent, and bird emphasize animal imagery as they reflect common understandings that can be related to the actions of the characters in the play. Through a feminist analysis of the characters, it is evident that the Elizabethan Era was dominated by male egos. Therefore, one can see the importance of animal imagery as it not only shows the similarities of humans and animals, but allows Shakespeare to be comprehended on another level.

The Chinese Massacre of 1603

The massacre of 1603: Chinese perception of the Spaniards in the Philippines Jose Eugenio Borao National Taiwan University From a historiographic point of view, the incident of 1603 acquires special significance in the long and tragic history of Chinese massacres in the Philippines. For compared to all the rest, this has been the best chronicled, not only in Spanish, but also in Chinese sources. Moreover, both coincide in the presentation of facts and are alike in the ordering of events.When these sources—especially the Chinese—begin their account of the massacre, they refer to a remote, perhaps even unrelated, incident that is, nevertheless, significant. The tension started in 1593, when 250 Chinese were forcibly recruited to row the ships which Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, then Philippine governor general, sent to conquer the Moluccas Islands. Soon after they set sail, the Chinese in the flag ship staged a mutiny, assassinated Dasmarinas, and took over the vessel. Weeks la ter, the son of the murdered governor, Luis Perez Dasmarinas, then based in Cebu, sought vengeance to fall on the heads of the culprits.To do this, he asked for assistance from the Chinese authorities of Fujian, who welcomed the young Dasmarinas’ ambassadors and offered them their help as well. The second episode happened 10 years later, in the spring of 1603, when â€Å"three mandarins† arrived in Manila on a strange mission: to reconnoiter a â€Å"mountain of gold† abundant with trees that bore gold. This visit raised the suspicion of the Spaniards in the Philippines, already so accustomed to intermittent threats of conquest, particularly from the Japanese. They concluded that this was probably an advance party for a future invasion of Manila.At that time, the Chinese in this city were almost 10 times the number of Spaniards. The third event, the Sangley uprising, happened in autumn of that same year. The reasons for this uprising remain unclear. The motives r ange from the desire of the Chinese to dominate Manila, to their wanting to abort the Spaniards' moves that seemed to lead to their elimination. After initial uncertainty as to who would eventually win out, the rebellion was quelled by the Spaniards who, together with Filipino and Japanese troops, massacred some 20,000 Chinese.Both our sources also point to a more or less common epilogue. After the Spaniards’ first attempts at reconciliation and China’s indignant reactions, both parties reached a new compromise and the agitation easily vanished as though nothing had happened. Former trade relations were resumed, allowing the Chinese to settle again in Manila, even if both sides harbored grudges against each other for what had happened earlier. What I now propose is to try to bring together reports on the massacre, both from the known Spanish sources and from the Chinese founts.The comparison may allow us to better understand the remote and proximate causes of the trage dy of 1603. Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 1 The sources The Spanish manuscript sources which document the massacre are found in their entirety in the General Archive of the Indies and were published almost completely in the â€Å"Colin & Pastells,† that is to say, the new edition of the work of Colin, done by Pastells in 19001. Some of them were reproduced immediately afterwards and translated to English, in Blair & Robertson,2 and again soon after by Pastells in his joint work with Navas. These sources may be classified into two: those released during the event—which served as â€Å"news updates†Ã¢â‚¬â€or shortly after the incident, giving a global view of what had happened; and those that appear in the books that came out around that time, situating the incident within the general context of Philippine history, as Morga4 does in his book, or as part of the conquest of the Moluccas, as Argensola5 approached it in his. The letters and reports fro m the officers of the Royal Audiencia of Manila, and those of the superiors of the various religious orders belong to the first type.These documents intend to give personal viewpoints which, despite the fact that they contest each other, are not contradictory but rather complimentary. Of course, all deplore the massacre even if they deem it a justified, though exaggerated, measure. At the same time, they differ mainly in the analysis of the means that could have been taken to avoid it, or of the actions that indirectly provoked it. Argensola tries to consolidate all the information that reached the court during the years immediately after the massacre (he published his work six years after the event), and personal reports from the main players of the said event.Argensola may have had the Augustinian Diego de Guevara as his principal source, because this priest moved to Madrid to attend to some of his order’s concerns shortly after the incident. The work of Dr. Morga, eyewitne ss of the events, is briefer and simpler in tackling the topics and conclusions that were being formulated in Manila immediately after the uprising (Morga left Manila in 1606). The Chinese sources, on the other hand, are official and therefore anonymous. They are briefer than those of the Spaniards, and seem to be less defensive, even if they also seem to reflect partisan tendencies. They usually acknowledge provocation on the part of the Chinese expatriates, and yet refuse to be judged by foreigners. These documents sometimes cite specific words or actions of an officer from Fujian, although they Francisco Colin, S. J. Labor evangelica, ministerios apostolicos de los obreros de la Compania de Jesus, fundacion y progresos de su provincia en las Islas Filipinas. Nueva edicion ilustrada con copia de notas y documentos para la critica †¦ por el P. Pablo Pastells, S. J. , Vol. II, Barcelona, Imprenta y Litografia de Henrich y Cia, 1900, pp. 18-441. 2 Blair & Robertson, The Philippi ne Islands (vol. XII, pp. 83-97). 3 Pablo Pastells & Francisco Navas, Catalogo de los documentos relativos a las Islas Filipinas (vol. 5, Barcelona, 1929, pp. LXXVI-CVIII). 4 Antonio Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, Mexico, 1609. We used here the version annotated by Jose Rizal, offset reprinting by the National Commission for the Centenary of Jose Rizal, Manila, 1961. 5 Bartolome & Leonardo Argensola. Conquista de las Islas Malucas, Imprenta del Hospicio Provincial, Zaragoza 1891. We have used the following references: Ming Shi (â€Å"The History of the Ming Dynasty â€Å"), Ed. Ding Wen, Taipei, 1975, Vol. 11 (pp. 8370-8375); Ming Shi Lu (â€Å"The True History of the Ming Dynasty†), prepared by the Academia Sinica, Ed. Zhongwen, Volumes 12 and 13, Taipei, 1961 (pp. 12090, 123030, 12371); Dong Xi Yang Kao (â€Å"Studies on the Eastern and Western Oceans†), Ed. Taiwan Shang Wu, Taipei, 1971 (pp. 57-60); Ming Ching Shi Wen Bien (â€Å"Anthology of the Official Documents of the Ming Dynasty†), Vol. 6, Ed. Zhunghua, Beijing, 1962 (pp. 4727-4728); Huang Ming Xiang Xu Lu; Guo Que (â€Å"National tolls†), Ed.Ding Wen, Taipei, 1978, Vol. 8 (p. 4917). I wish to thank Prof. Zhang Kai for his invaluable help in pointing out these sources, and my research assistant Lin Li-pin for his help in the translation of these materials. 1 Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 2 generally present themselves as part of an official investigation that was also transmitted officially. Also, since the events happened outside China, it is difficult for the imperial officers to verify them, which is why they put forward brief and detached explanations.Nevertheless, the massacre of 1603 happened during a period of stability in the Ming Dynasty; thus, their capacity to inquire into and annotate an event that happened outside their shores was much greater than, for example, the time when the massacres of 1639 or of 1662 took place. The former happe ned on the eve of the fall of the Ming Dynasty, while the latter was more associated with the Ming resistance—at that time, Koxinga7 was dying in his Taiwanese hideout—than with the Manchus, the new powers in China, who were still trying to establish themselves in the country.The incident of October 25, 1593 Let us now take a brief look at Argensola’s account in Chapter 6 of his book. 8 He states that Governor Gomez Perez de Dasmarinas prepared four galleys to attack the Moluccas but had difficulty finding soldiers to man them. When the flagship was the only one left to be filled, â€Å"he ordered that of the Chinese contract workers who were entering the Philippines, 250 were to be taken to man the flagship. The Royal Treasury was to pay each one two pesos a month†¦ and, in the best of cases, they were only to row in calm weather. The Governor forced the governor of the Chinese to get these 250 men who set sail against their will. Finally, on October 17, the naval crew left for Ternate. However, as soon as the flagship moved a short distance off, and the Chinese oarsmen were put to work—unaccustomed as they were to the task and spurred on by brutal and menacing foremen—the said workers decided to stage an uprising, preferring to die in the attempt than to continue rowing for the Spaniards. The rebellion took place on the night of October 25, claiming the lives of the Governor himself and a great part of the 80member Spanish crew.The bad weather persisted, which was why the mutineers only went as far as the Ilocos region, where they were assaulted by the natives. They left behind the surviving Spaniards, among them, Juan de Cuellar, secretary of the Governor and the Franciscan Montilla, both of who managed to reach the coast. Afterwards, the Chinese decided to sail to China, but landed in Vietnam instead, where â€Å"the king of Tunquin seized their cargo†¦ and left the galley to sink in the coast. The Chinese wer e dispersed and they fled to the different provinces. †9 The Spanish survivors informed Manila of what happened.The rest of the navy based in Cebu under the command of the governor’s son, Luis Perez Dasmarinas, returned to Manila. There, he was appointed interim Governor of the islands. Then a strange thing happened in 1594. In retrospect, this incident seems to have served as a â€Å"rehearsal† for what was to happen next. That year, the Chinese presumed that the Spanish navy had left for the Moluccas Isles. As Argensola puts it, â€Å"There appeared in Manila a great number of ships from China, without the customary goods, but rather loaded with men and weapons.On board were seven mandarins, counted As regards this massacre and the problems of interpretation that arise from consulting and comparing Chinese and Spanish sources, see my recent paper â€Å"Consideraciones en torno a la imagen de Koxinga vertida por Victorio Ricci en Occidente. † Encuentros en Catay, n. 10, 1996. 8 There are discrepancies between Argensola and Morga, although these are more a question of details than of arguments. 9 Argensola, Conquista de las†¦, p. 210 7 Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 3 among the senior Viceroys or Governors of their provinces†¦ nd they went to visit Don Luis with great pomp and an escort of men†¦ saying that they were on the lookout for Chinese who were going about those lands without license. †10 Dasmarinas welcomed them and gave each one a gold chain. In the end, he concluded that they had come either to conquer or to sack Manila, but changed their minds when they saw the presence of the Spanish armada. Argensola adds that since the Chinese who killed Dasmarinas’ father were from Quan Chou, he sent Fernando de Castro, a cousin of his, to that province to give an account of the mutiny.However, the trip was forestalled due to the bad weather. It is noteworthy that neither Argensola nor Morga says that the Dasmarinas took advantage of the situation to take up the matter with the mandarins (although it seems that he did, as deduced from the Chinese sources that we shall now see). For example, the Dong Xi Yang Gao is more exhaustive in this respect. It states that Luis Dasmarinas (called Maulin here), immediately after replacing his father, sent some priests to inform the Chinese authorities in Macao about the uprising.These priests bore a letter, the translation of which is conserved in the Chinese sources. It also adds that the magistrates of Fujian continued to send merchant vessels to bring back the Chinese who had been living in Luzon for too long. According to Argensola, this detail coincides with what the mandarins explained to Dasmarinas. The Chinese chronicle continues: â€Å"The governor of Luzon provided these ships with food and also gave them a letter (addressed to the Chinese government). He verbally aired his complaints about the way the Chinese treated the murdered governor, his father.And he gave them an edict, sealed in a gold box which, together with the abovementioned letter, was wrapped in red silk and sent to China on a merchant vessel. †11 The â€Å"three mandarins† arrive in Manila (May 1603) We have said that the abovementioned incident does not seem to have anything to do with the one that took place nine years later. However, the parallelism is great, as we shall now see. The events arising from the arrival of another group of mandarins are well documented in the Spanish sources. There are three types of information that are all complimentary.Those from the royal officials, that is, those from the Governor, Don Pedro de Acuna, as well as the listeners of the Audiencia, Jeronimo de Salazar and Tellez de Almazan, who show themselves to be hostile to and suspicious of the governor. The sources of the ecclesiastics, and in the third place, the information that the Chinese themselves give, and which they offer in c onsideration of the Spanish authorities. In particular, a letter written four days before in the sea by Chanchian, the head of the Chinese expedition, and which is submitted to the governor who sends it immediately for translation.Likewise, two more documents corresponding to some â€Å"petitions of Chinese to the Chinese emperor†, which ended up in the hands of Archbishop Benavides who translated them. He sent the king his own letter where—â€Å"enriched† after his own 10 11 Idem, p. 212. The Dong Xi Yang Kao contains the Chinese translation of Dasmarinas’ letter which he gave to the mandarins. Here, the same facts are given, except that the apparent motive of the uprising was more of greed (the ship was loaded with much gold and silver) than of the cruelty received in the hands of the foremen of the ship, as Argensola would have put it.Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 4 inquiries—he makes a very complete analysis of the situation12. T hough actually we do not know if Benavides made them Public or not, and therefore if they have to be considered as part of the information that the Spaniards had then. Gathering together all the reports (Argensola’s and those of the two judges of the Audiencia, Jeronimo de Salazar and Tellez de Almazan, both hostile toward the governor, Pedro de Acuna), this series of events might have had taken place as follows: Friday, May 23. Three mandarins landed in Manila, displaying their insignias as judges.With great pomp and an entourage of 50, they sought an audience with the Governor and gave him a letter written four days earlier in the high seas. In the said letter, signed by Chanchian, military chief of Fujian, the mandarins expounded the reason for this trip. They wished to verify the existence of a fabulous mountain in Cavite, believed to yield 100,000 taeles of gold and 300,000 taeles of silver a year. They claimed that everyone could go and dig there and that the Chinese ha ve already taken a great quantity of these metals back to China.Chanchian also indicated that he had with him a fellow named Tio Heng, the man who reported to the emperor of the existence of the said mountain, as well as a eunuch called Cochay, who received specific orders from the emperor to investigate the matter. Another mandarin was present, besides Cochay and the immediate chief of Chanchian. 13 He added that he did not believe in the existence of such a mountain, and presumed it to be a lie. Nevertheless, the Governor had nothing to fear, since it was his duty to look into the matter.Afterwards, the Governor had them housed in special lodgings inside the city. The fact that they flaunted their insignias as judges and that the Governor allowed them to do so, incurred the ire of the members of the Audiencia. From May 24 to May 26 (Saturday to Monday), the mandarins begin to mete justice on their countrymen. Meanwhile, Salazar, the fiscal of the Audiencia, carries out his own inv estigation. Within this period, the governor allows the mandarins to bring their entourage to Tondo, where the Christian sangleys live. May 27 (Tuesday).Salazar presents a report in a public session of the Audiencia. The report is approved and the governor requested to stop the operations of the mandarins so that the investigations may continue. The friction between the Audiencia 12 It does not remain clear how Benavides obtained the two documents, and if he made them known to the governor or not. The first (document) is similar in structure to the letter which the governor received from the mandarins, the translation of which he sent to the King, but much more extensive and detailed.Therefore the said document perhaps may be a different version from the letter, made by memory (since he possibly helped in the verbal translation of that thing) and completed a posteriori with his own investigations, since at the end of that letter he said: â€Å"I am a man who knows the language of t hese Chinese and I know a lot about their things and customs of China by having lived with them for many months and I made it also because I take up this business with suspicion and care as these can be advisors who advise badly on it because of not understanding it† (Colin & Pastells, II, p. 415).The second document, different from the letter, is a remonstrance of the emperor by one of his officials. The mandarins presented it to the governor with the intention of giving more credibility to his own letter. Given that the Spaniards did not seem to take it into account, we will not deal with it now, but we will go back to it at the end of our study for its clarificatory value. 13 Note that the spelling of the names correspond to the free style of transcribing that the Spanish translator had of the Fujianese pronunciation of the names ( the translation of the document that appears on Blair & Robertson, vol.XII, pp. 83-97, points out in the heading which was made by a Dominican). As will be seen later , the correspondence in mandarin is as follows: Chunchian seems to correspond to Gan Yi-chen, Tio Heng to Zhang Yi and Cochay to Gao Tsai. Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 5 and the Governor worsens. Moreover, the judges of the Audiencia complain of being relegated to the sidelines. In the following days, the Audiencia desisted its moves because the Governor finally published an edict prohibiting the mandarins from administering their justice and from flaunting their insignias.On the eve of their departure, they go to Cavite to see the said mountain. With them are Second Lieutenant Cervantes, as well as by the governor of the sangleys, Juan Bautista de Vera,14 who seems to have been around all the while. There, Tio Heng, unable to satisfactorily clear himself of the deception, had the Spaniards bearing down on him with threats of death. However, the mandarins intercede for his pardon. The Spaniards grow even more suspicious. On the day of their dep arture, the Governor receives the mandarins and honors them with some gifts.As he sends them off, they apologize for the mix-up they have caused and thus sailed back to China. We can better know the identities of these mandarins and further clarify the case by examining complimentary data from the Chinese sources. In this attempt to consolidate diverse information, we can conclude that the speaker of the group was the mandarin Gan Yi-chen (Chanchian in the letter), a centurion and was probably the military chief of Fujian. The second mandarin (not mentioned in the letter) was Wang Shi-ho, the magistrate of the Hai Cheng district, where many of the Chinese immigrants came from.The third mandarin must have been the eunuch Gao Tsai (who appears in the letter as Cochai). Accompanying these three dignitaries were Zhang Yi (Tio Heng) and Yang Ying-long, who were the ones who informed the emperor in Beijing of the said mountain of gold. Yang Ying-long was another centurion whom the Chinese sources accuse of collaborating with Zhang Yi (who probably used the former’s clout to get an audience with the emperor and consequently win his favor).The emperor actually allowed the said expedition despite opposition from various people in his court who not only thought it a ridiculous project, but which could also be a source of trouble. According to these sources, one might think that the two magistrates Gan Yichen and Wang Shi-ho were also of the same opinion. In fact, the latter was so vexed that he died soon after they arrived in Fujian. The other magistrates reported Zhang Yi’s behavior to the emperor, demanding that he be punished for trying to deceive the imperial government and for bringing about its humiliation in a foreign land.The role of Gao Tsai, on the other hand, is more difficult to interpret. Some sources picture him as the superintendent of the said Beijing expedition, while others show him as Fujian’s quartermaster general for taxes, who makes a living off the Chinese maritime trade. The Ming Shi Lu gives its version of the conduct of these three: â€Å"The diabolical Fujianese Zhang Yi, came up with an evil plan to propose the excavation of a gold mine in Luzon. But his real intention was to conspire with the eunuchs and provoke the barbarians.Yang Ying-long was his partner†¦Zhang Yi was beheaded and [his head] shown to the coastal provinces as a warning to people of his kind. † 15 Lastly, it is worth pointing out that the Chinese sources coincide with those Spanish ones in indicating that this entire trip had been the proximate cause of the Spanish suspicions and the subsequent massacre which took place four months afterwards. 14 A Chinese who arrived in Manila during the times of the pirate Limahon, whom he had served. At that time, he was appointed governor of the sangleys and was â€Å"respected by the Spaniards and loved by the sangleys† (Argensola, p. 30. He was also known as â€Å"Eng Kan g† (Rizal), â€Å"Encan† (Argensola) and â€Å"Encang† (Tellez de Almazan). 15 MSL, Chapter 404 (Vol. XII. P. 12090). Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 6 But, the question is if the dispatch had been an advance party or not, and if it came to study the possibility of invasion of Manila—whether it was piratical or in an organized form. At the moment, the Spaniards could not know it, although an excess of suspicions could turn itself into an untenable situation that might end up out of control. It was precisely what happened.The massacre of 1603 a) The preparation On December 18, 1603, once the incident that we are about to see had ended, Governor Pedro de Acuna wrote the king an account wherein he explained in retrospect his behavior during the whole event. He begins by saying that the arrival of the mandarins had made him suspect a possible invasion from China. This was why his eventual moves, preventive and defensive in nature, were limited to the following: 1. – To create space, he ordered the demolition of the houses in the Parian that was adjacent to the walls of the city.This, at the same time, corrected some of the wall’s defects. 2. – He asked the mayors of the district and the magistrates of the Parian to submit to him a list of immigrants under their jurisdiction and of the weapons in their possession. They were also asked to indicate whether these people were to be trusted or not. The order was fulfilled. 3. – He carried out regular inspections of the artisans (blacksmiths, etc. ) in particular, and commissioned the manufacture of bows, arrows, pikes, etc. for the royal storehouse.At the same time, he ordered that all these weapons be collected and transported. 4. – Just in case, he had provisions stored. 5. – He hired sangleys to build a canal with the end of creating a moat for the city, if ever the need arises. Acuna also points out a distinction that is also mentioned in other Spanish sources: that between the Chinese merchants, who have settled for years in the Parian, and the recent arrivals who were vagabonds and troublemakers who had nothing to lose and who could not return to China due to the crimes they had committed. 6 Acuna hangs the blame of the succeeding events on these Chinese, since they were the ones who paved the way for everything, â€Å"in order to bring the merchants and the peaceful people to their side, convincing them that the measures that were being taken were meant to kill the Chinese. † 17 The Chinese sources, on the other hand, also echo some of Acuna’s positions, but presenting these under an offensive point of view, coloring the thing differently and relating these to what directly affected them. For example, the Huang Ming Xiang Hsu Lu shows that the Spaniards repared for the massacre way ahead of time, since â€Å"they began to buy from the Chinese all the metal objects that they had. The Chinese, on the other hand, sold all the iron they found because they saw that they could profit from it. † (point 3 from Acuna). 18 This same idea is found in the Ming Shi, which also adds that â€Å"the Chinese were obliged to register their names and to be divided into groups of 300†19 (point 2 from Acuna). 16 To better differentiate the Chinese groups, see Edgar Wickberg, The Chinese in Philippine Life, 18501898 (Yale University Press, 1965), pp. 6-11. 17 Blair & Robertson, vol. XII, p. 154 18 HMXHL, Chapter 5, Luzon. 9 MS, Chapter 323 (p. 8372) Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 7 b) The beginning: Sangley uprising or Chinese pogrom? Another interesting issue to consider is that of who started it first. The Spanish sources (Morga, Argensola, Acuna, etc. ) emphatically state: the Chinese staged an uprising. Benavides, the bishop of Manila, noted in a letter to the king that â€Å"the multitude of Chinese was so great, among them, base and vicious men who spread the r umor (which is absolutely false, but not for them) that the Spaniards were going to kill every one of them, which was why they provoked a rebellion on the night of the eve of St.Francis. They armed themselves and on that day killed several Spaniards who pursued them, among them, Luis Perez de Dasmarinas. †20 On December 18, when everything was over, Governor Pedro de Acuna told the king that â€Å"according to the investigations†¦ and what some of those involved had declared, it goes without saying that the uprising was instigated from China, and the stage set by all, if not some, of the mandarins who had been here. † 21 According to the Spanish sources (since the Chinese are silent about it), the Chinese had also been girding themselves for it.The Chinese Juan Bautista de Vera had been constructing a more or less fortified zone half-a-league from Tondo (which Argensola calls a â€Å"sugar refinery†), where some provisions and arms were stored. c) The unfold ing of events The actual struggle is already well known because it is what was most interesting to relate to the Spaniards. To summarize, we basically follow Morga’s account: The evening of October 3 (Friday). The uprising was scheduled to take place on the last day of November, but realizing that they were going to be discovered, the sangleys move it to the third of October.On this day, at 11 pm, about 2000 men (or â€Å"according to the sangley who was under torture, 40 captains to 150 men†), begin to gather in the â€Å"fort† of Tondo. That night, Juan Bautista de Vera visits the governor to inform him of what was happening. Thinking that de Vera was in cahoots with them, the governor throws him into prison. The Chinese, noting de Vera’s absence, appoint another Christian sangley, Juan Untae, de Vera’s godson, to replace him. 22 That same night, Luis Dasmarinas secures himself in the monastery of Binondo with a small group of soldiers.The Chines e fly into action, burning some houses and then returning to their â€Å"fort. † The morning of October 4 (Saturday). The sangleys of the Parian (that is, the peaceful old-timers identified with the Spaniards, some of whom are Christian) are asked to enter the city, but they refuse to do so due to doubts as to who would be the victor in this conflict. They decide to remain in the Parian. Dasmarinas leaves Binondo for Tondo to fortify himself in the church with 140 harquebusiers. A thousand and five hundred Chinese rebels show up. There is a fight to take over the church.Five hundred Chinese die, while the rest retreat to the â€Å"fort†. Dasmarinas pursues them and dies in the attempt. The Spaniards are thrown into confusion. October 5 (Sunday). Realizing that de Vera was not going to come, the rebels kill Untae and coerce the Parian residents into joining forces with them. As they make for Manila, they ravage everything that comes their way. The city puts up a tough r esistance and many men die. In the evening, they retreat to the Parian and to Dilao. The 20 21 Blair & Robertson. Vol. XII, p. 143. Idem, vol. XII, p. 155. 2 Sangley general Hontay (Argensola), or Juan Ontal (Tellez de Almazan). Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 8 Spaniards likewise press the Parian residents to side with them. Overcome by this psychological stress, some Chinese—among them, a relative of de Vera—hang themselves. Both sides brace themselves for a second attack. October 6 (Monday). Another assault and renewed resistance. A Spaniard, with the help of a Japanese corps, launches an unsuccessful offensive. An armada of Pintados suddenly makes its way through the river and blasts the Chinese lines with canons.They divide themselves into three and penetrate the inland. One group makes for the Tingues of Pasig, another for Ayonbon [Bayombong] and the third, the most numerous, for Laguna de Bay, the mountains of San Pablo and the province of Batangas. October 8 (Wednesday) and the succeeding days: The Chinese abandon the city. The Spaniards are hot in their pursuit. It seems that the first two groups are easily annihilated, since nothing more is said of them. The third group, starving and unarmed, leave a path of devastation. Luis de Velasco with 70 of his men is at their heels, killing many each day.Finally, Velasco perishes at the hands of the Chinese who set up fort in San Pablo. Argensola adds that the native Filipinos, instead of siding with the Chinese, lent a hand in the massacre. October 20. A new detachment of Spaniards, Japanese and 1500 natives of Pampanga and the Tagalog provinces is formed in Manila. They soon finish off all the Chinese who secured themselves in San Pablo and Batangas. The rebellion is quelled. October 22 (Argensola’s date). Juan de Vera faces trial. In the succeeding days, other Chinese meet the same fate. Only 300 are pardoned, but the rest are sent to the galleys.The Chinese sources are le ss detailed in describing the operations, perhaps due to the handful of sangleys who survived. It is thus more difficult to establish a clear parallelism between the two accounts, since they cite actions that are not mentioned in the Spanish sources. Consequently, there is much discrepancy. The Ming Shi relates that when the Chinese discovered the Spaniards’ plot to massacre them, they â€Å"retreated to Tsai Yuen (which may be translated as â€Å"the plantation† and which may refer to Juan Bautista de Vera’s strategic â€Å"fort† and to Argensola’s â€Å"sugar refinery†). 3 Then, the Spanish â€Å"chief† sent soldiers to go after them (this may well refer to Luis Dasmarinas’ move or to the arrival of the army of Pintados). The Chinese were unarmed. Many were killed and the survivors fled to the Talun Mountain. 24 The Spaniards attacked the mountain once more, while the Chinese put up a desperate defense. The Spaniards suffere d momentary defeat, which their â€Å"chief† (probably the captain of the expedition or the Governor himself) regretted, moving him to negotiate a truce. The Chinese, thinking that this was some trick, killed the messengers, thus driving the Spanish â€Å"chief† to exasperation.He abandoned their mountain camp and retreated to the neighboring town, simultaneously setting up ambush parties in the surrounding areas. The Chinese rebels were starving and so decided to go down the mountain and plunder the town,25 only to be ambushed by the Spanish troops. Twenty five thousand Chinese perished in the mas23 CHEN, Mattew. O. P. â€Å"The Ming Records of Luzon,† in The Chinese in the Philippines, Historical Conservation Society, Manila, 1966, p. 250. According to the translator’s note, this place is the presentday San Miguel district, although we do not see any further proof to this. 24 Ibid.Matthew Chen, in another note, indicates that this place was close to wha t is now known as the city of Makati. The rest of the account probably recounts the travails of the first or second group of the three groups of Chinese who fled, since we know nothing more of their fate from the Spanish references. The data does not seem to refer to the third group that went to San Pablo de los Montes and Batangas. Moreover, this reference is unusual, since there are no mountains close to the Makati area. 25 Matthew Chen seems to assume that this town was none other than Manila. But neither is this clear. Itinerario, vol. 3, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 9 sacre26. The Dong Xi Yang Kao offers a different denouement to this final massacre, coloring it with superstitious, even apocalyptic visions. It says that when the Chinese descended the Talun Mountain to attack the town, 10,000 of them were killed in an ambush, while others fled to the valleys and died there of starvation. Then it adds: â€Å"There was a strong downpour while they were on the Talun Mountain, and as th ey stood beneath the rain, they saw something shine out in the midnight sky. There was an earthquake. The Chinese panicked and began to kill each other by mistake.The Spaniards, taking advantage of the situation, were able to kill many of them. That same month, a flood in Chang Chou took the lives of over 10,000 families. †27 The aftermath After the massacre, the Spaniards carried out three steps. First, the attempt to clarify if the uprising had been in connivance with China or not, and in connection with the coming of the three mandarins. Various testimonies given by the Governor seem to indicate this, but their validity is doubtful since they were obtained through torture. The royal officials insist on the same idea, e. g. , Argensola.Nevertheless, it is something which is never presented as sufficiently proved and that he insists that with the principal aim of justifying the killing. In this way, Juan Bautista de Vera would have been more of a scapegoat than the one respon sible for a conspiracy (Rizal’s thesis). Secondly, the Spaniards made an inventory of the goods of the massacred rebels, which they placed at the disposition of their families. This was made known through a mission to Fujian; second, an attempt to resume the necessary trade relations. As regards the latter, Argensola (who seems to have occasionally copied Morga in this point), explains that Capt.Marco de la Cueva was sent to Macao with the Dominican Luis Gandullo to inform the Portuguese of what had happened and so that they might be forewarned of â€Å"rumors of war† from China. At the same time, they brought letters for the â€Å"tutones, aytaos and visitadores† of the provinces of Guangdong and Fujian, explaining the conduct of the Chinese and the Spaniards’ response. What happened was not only known in Macao; news of Spaniards in Macao and the reason for their presence there soon reached Quan Chou, which was why â€Å"the wealthy Captains Guansan, Si nu and Guanchan, who regularly traded in Manila,† went to see them.They gave their own conjectures about what really happened, brought letters to the mandarins, and encouraged the merchants and ships of Quan Chou to go to Manila. Cueva’s mission was a success, for soon after his return—in May of 1604—13 ships from China arrived, filling up two ships bound that same year for New Spain with their cargo. Thus end the Spanish accounts. The Chinese sources, besides being very detailed (in this case, they were interested in formulating a more complete evaluation of the event), also coincide with the Spanish references.For example, the inventory of goods is mentioned in the Dong Xi Yang Kao: â€Å"The Spanish governor had all the possessions of the Chinese immigrants stored in big warehouses, marked with the names of their owners. Then he wrote the magistrate of Fujian, urging the relatives of the deceased to go to Manila to collect their belongings. But there w as a Chinese 26 27 MS, Chapter 323 (p. 8373). DXYK, Chapter 5: Luzon (p. 59) Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 10 called Huang, a good friend of the governor, who, pretending to be a relative of one of the massacred, fraudulently went off with some goods. 28 However, what is even more interesting is the final evaluation made by the emperor and officials of Fujian who were then deciding on whether or not they should resume trade relations with the Spaniards. We came across two versions of the official act, the first of which is found in the Ming Shi: â€Å"The Magistrate Xu Xue-ju29 sent a report to the court. The emperor was shaken and began to mourn for the dead. On the 12th month of the year 32 (1604), he called on his official magistrates to investigate the case. These officials presented their conclusions in the court. The emperor said: â€Å"Zhang Yi, etc. ave deceived the imperial court and brought about conflict in a foreign land. Twenty thousand people and commo ners have been massacred. They have disgraced our Empire. Their execution is not deemed an excess. They must be beheaded and their heads shown to all seas. But the governor of Luzon murdered people without license. We shall leave the officials to decide his punishment and they shall inform us of this. Hsu Hsue-ju wrote the authorities of Luzon, accusing the governor of massacre and demanding that the widows and children of the victims be sent back to China. For the moment, China did not launch a punitive attack on Luzon.Afterwards, the Chinese began to return to Luzon in trickles, and the Spaniards, seeing the profitability of commerce with China, did not prevent the Chinese from reestablishing themselves there. The Chinese population began to grow once more. †30 The second more extensive report is found in the Ming Jing Shi Wen Pien, which contains the report made by the said Administrative Commissioner of Fujian, Xu Xue-ju, who explains his move, and the memorandum he sent t o the emperor, particularly the so-called â€Å"Report to Emperor Wan-li regarding the recall of Chinese merchants in Luzon,† of the Ming Jing Shi Wen Pien31.Here, Xu Xue-ju begins to speak for himself, situating the problem, and declaring afterwards that he sent an edict-letter to Luzon after having reviewed the problem from its early stages. He acknowledges that Zhang Yi’s deception caused the massacre, and takes the blame for it. However, he considers the Spanish intervention, as unacceptable, unlicensed by the Emperor (up to here, the anterior document is repeated almost verbatim).Consequently, the magistrate of Fujian clamors for vengeance, citing that what is most unjust in the Spanish maneuver is their non-recognition of the fact that the development of Luzon was greatly due to the hard work of the Chinese living there. There was no response from the Emperor, and so he was sent another communication bearing the same message. The emperor ultimately rejected the m ove, basing his decision on these five points: 1. – Due to their long tradition in trade and commerce, the people of Luzon were practically their subjects. 2. – The antagonism, as well as the confrontation, took place outside of China. . – The merchants are humble folk and, therefore, not worth waging battle for. 4. – These merchants, upon going to Luzon, abandoned their families without considering their filial ties. 5. – An expedition to Luzon will only drain their armed forces. The theme was certainly discussed 28 29 DXYK, Chapter 5: Luzon (p. 60) The figure of Xu Xue-ju is both well known and respected (Dictionary of the Ming Biography, Vol. I, pp. 582-585). In 1591, he was appointed Assistant Commissioner for Surveillance in Hukuang and was soon after named Administrative Commissioner in Fujian, a post which he held until 1607.Consequently, he was able to gather first-hand information on all the happenings, from their very beginnings. 30 MS, C hapter 323 (p. 8373). 31 MJSWB, Chapter 433 (p. 4728). Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 11 in the court, creating a great tension, and its reverberations were prolonged for a long time, even until 1605, when Mateo Ricci made some comments about it. 32 Thus, Xu Xue Ju was left with no other recourse than to end this letter with a warning to the Spaniards: they should be grateful to the emperor, they must change their attitude, and they should restore the properties of those who perished in the massacre.Only with this shall trade be resumed. On the other hand, if they do not comply with these demands, then they would send thousands of warships with the families of the deceased aboard, along with mercenaries from the vassal states to conquer and divide Luzon among themselves. 33 Thus ends the letter sent to the Philippines. Conclusions To better understand the general process of the massacre, particularly, that of â€Å"the three mandarins,† in Manila, the proximate cause of the massacre, we must make four contexts. Besides, they were perfectly alluded by Benavides in that letter he sent the King dated 5 July 1603, which was accompanied by those two singular documents already cited in the beginning of this paper. ) In the first place, it is proper to point out that the time in which these events took place was marked by a rampant increase of piracy in Chinese waters, as well as by the express prohibition that Chinese subjects engage in maritime commerce at a time when it was gaining popularity in the international arena. Consequently, it was common practice for Chinese patrons to seek alternative and profitable solutions.Under such circumstances, Manila was considered an important center for the export of silver in Southeast Asia (thanks to the coming of ships from New Spain), just when the demand for this metal was on the rise in China. Because of this, it is not surprising that Manila’s neighbors take interest in this fragile colony, o r that new risks arise: principally, the unexpected invasion of Japanese pirates and, from 1600 onwards, the appearance of Dutch pirates. (Olivier de Noort). Taken within this context, Manila was regularly flooded with Chinese with eyes set on establishing themselves there.Now, even if this meant a contribution to the city’s progress via their artisan skills, they increasingly posed themselves as a threat to the Spanish populace, who made up only 10% of the total number of Chinese in the city. The Chinese menace was certainly confirmed in 1593, when 250 hired Chinese contract workers assassinated the governor of the Philippines; and also, presumably, in 1594 when seven mandarins appeared with great pomp and veiled motives at the helm of a fully-equipped armada; and was indeed alarming when more mandarins reappeared in 1603 to mete justice on their compatriots.Authors like Argensola do not doubt their intentions. In their accounts, they throw in descriptions of how eight Chine se trade junks arrived in Manila while the mandarins were there, assuring the Spaniards of the real purpose of the Chinese conquest. Besides, he adds, while the mandarins pressured Zhang Yi to explain the existence of the mountain of gold, he would whisper— according to the interpreters or naguatatos (Argensola said)—that what he had wanted to say was that Luzon had so much gold that it was worth conquering. 32In the beginning of 1605, Ricci pointed out in a letter: â€Å"It was spoken much in the cort, and we feared that some harm could come from all these [due to the possibility that it might be associated with the Spaniards. ]† See Jonathan Spence, The Memory Palace of Mateo Ricci, Penguin Books, 1985, p. 216. 33 This same letter was sent to the Spaniards who translated it. Argensola published it shortly afterwards. It is interesting to note that the two versions closely coincide with each other, but of the five points indicated by the emperor, Argensola†™s translation only gathered numbers 1, 2 and 4.Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 12 The figure of Zhang Yi (a carpenter, according to Benavides) probably brings together the images of fortune hunter, pervert (as the Chinese sources put it) and dreamer who see in Manila’s regular influx of traders from Quan Chou and Chang Chou, the possibility of Chinese expansion and personal gain. Here is a man capable of conjuring his own utopia—a place where mountains produce gold. He not only ends up believing the tale, but also manages to persuade the emperor himself to authorize an exploration. 4 Although the Chinese magistrates accused him of â€Å"going out with all this to look for people to steal and to rob and to be a corsair† (Chinese documents of Benavides). The conflict that was bound to take place with the Spaniards—men also accustomed to pursuing an El Dorado—had no other alternative but to erupt. In the second place, we should conside r another fact that made possible the increasing acceptance of Chinese in Manila. The Spaniards, in particular, the Provincials of the religious orders, admitted that they have gone too far disobeying the royal ordinances that prohibited the growth of the Chinese population beyond 6000.This norm was obliterated by the profits gained from the granting of each new license. The Bishop of Nueva Segovia, Fr. Diego de Soria, thus commented: â€Å"†¦ it was a generally said that the number of Chinese in the uprising reached 23-24,000, even if the judges declare that they hardly came up to 8000, a figure which these same judges further reduced, because they are primarily responsible for the uprising through the liberal granting of licenses to Chinese who wish to remain in Manila. These licenses were sold at five tostones each.There was a judge who was able to collect a total of 60,000 tostones, or the equivalent 30,000 pesos, out of the said licenses. †35 In the third place, and now setting our sights back to China, it is worth considering Wan Li’s style of government—concretely, his politics of assigning eunuchs as revenue agents and quarter master generals of the mines. 36 The system saw its beginnings in 1596; by 1599, it was already widely practiced. This procedure was meant to correct deficient tax legislation which, in turn, brought about a lax and corrupt administration.Entrusting this function to eunuchs imposed a certain kind of general auditing system. But as the eunuchs carried out their jobs, they also interfered with the regular government functions. Besides, the posts were usually occupied by fortune hunters and scalawags, owing to the absence of a precedent and a clear-cut process of organizing a regular staff. Sometimes, tax collection at the mines would be reduced to a form of extortion that would then be sabotaged by rival officers; and more often than not, this reated social problems. 37 34 A brief observation: A Frenchman, Rene Jouglet, passing by the Philippines in 1931, hearing about the treasures of the pirate Limahon, published in Paris, in 1936, an imaginative book called La ville perdue, where he mentions that the treasures of the pirate —which may have been hidden in Cavite or Pangasinan thirty years before the massacre— had been the cause of various Chinese expeditions, the last of which was in 1603.See Cesar Callanta, The Limahon Invasion, New Day Publishers, Quezon City, 1989, p. 69. 35 For this, see the letter of Fray Bernardo de Santa Catalina, Provincial of the Dominicans and Commissioner of the Holy Office (Blair & Robertson), as well as the adjoining note of the translator who comments on the Royal Decree of June 13 (Barcelona), which restricted the presence of Chinese nationals in Manila. 36 See RAY HUANG, â€Å"Lung-ch’ing and Wan-li reign, 1567-1620† in The Cambridge History of China, Vol. , Part I, pp. 530-532. 37 We may sight the following examples. In 1599: inspector Ma Tang so provoked the merchants of Linqing (Changdong) that they burned down his house and left him half-dead; Cheng Feng, assigned as tax and mines inspector of Huguang, caused a mutiny among the inhabitants of Wuchuang; textile mill work- Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 13 Taking into account these circumstances, it is easy to come up with a final, fitting interpretation of the figure of the eunuch Gao Tsai.For one, among the many diverse possibilities one could think of, he might have been the one who defended the ambitious projects of fortune hunters like Zhang Yi or the corrupt behavior of officials like Yang Ying-long, against the courtiers of Beijing and the magistrates of Fujian, like Gan Yi-chen, Wang Shi-ho and, most specially, Xu Xue-ju. Benavides saw it clearly since the first moment: â€Å"Because the Emperor has â€Å"men of gold and women of silver made† and invited them to drink, so he sent a eunuch to each of their kingdoms; an d these eunuchs, to get gold and silver for the Emperor, impose a lot of taxes on he vassals, and the empire of Chine felt so oppressed with all this that publicly the Chines here [the Philippines] tell us that within two years more or less there 38 will be communities and uprisings in China. † The figure of Gao Tzai appears again in the following year (1604), when the Dutch were in the Pescadores islands trying to establish trade with China. He sent a mission to the Dutch in the aforementioned islands, trying to solicit gifts of high value for himself and for the Emperor.Dong Xi Yang Kao and Ming Shi notified the governor, Xu Sue-ju, and the officials of Fujian province to oppose the actuation of the eunuch by sending the touzy (Admiral), Shen You-rong, with a battleship to the coast of the province in order to stop the plans of the eunuch, Gao Tzai. 39 It is evident that the recent happenings in Manila had been the last vindication which Xu Xue-ju encountered in order to opp ose the politics of the eunuch—this time with force, as shown in the presence of Shen You-rong. 40 ers of Suzhou staged a demonstration against revenue agent Sun Long.In 1603: Wang Zhao, coal mines inspector of Xishan (Beijing), encountered opposition from among the miners who held a demonstration in Beijing. In 1606: Yang Rong found the revenue office burnt down by the miners of Yunnan. See also Bai Shouyi and others. In A Brief History of China, Vol. I, with editions in other languages, Beijing, 1984, pp. 348-349. 38 Colin & Pastells, Op. cit. , vol. II, p. 415. In fact, it is not strange the clarity of the observations of the Dominican Benavides about the eunuchs, since he knew in detail the recent experience of another Dominican, Diego de Aduarte, which preceded the ones cited in the previous note.In effect, Aduarte left Manila for Macao on September 6, 1598, with the aim of paying the ransom for the â€Å"Gentleman Don Luis† in Canton. He arrived there 20 days aft er, and coincided with the eunuch, Liculifu (sic), who — upon knowing the presence of the foreigner— tortured him and extorted from him most of the money he carried. In the end, Aduarte had no other remedy but to borrow the money. The entire story is related by Aduarte himself in his autobiographical work entitled, Historia de la Provincia del Santo Rosario de la Orden de Predicadores de Filipinas, Japon y China, Zaragoza, 1693, pp. 14-219. At the same time, Mateo Ricci himself recounts how one of the catholic servants who acted as a mail carrier, also in 159899, was robbed, murdered and thrown into a river because he denied paying commissions, everything was probably made in connection with the legal pressure—according to Spence—which were provoked by the eunuchs. See Jonathan Spence, Op. cit. , p. 215. 39 This theme was studied by Leonard Blusse in â€Å"Inpo, Chinese Merchant in Pattani: a Study in early Dutch-Chinese relations† (1977), p. 294.B lusse mentions —the Chinese sources and Gao Tzai mentioned as well— how a strange individual â€Å"with exotic tales such as the eating of live children’s brains;† how Shen You-rong, an exemplary Confucian official who wrote a book collecting the panegyrics which his friends dedicated to him. 40 You can read the resume of this person already cited in the Dictionary of the Ming Biography, vol. II, pp. 1192-1194. Shen You-rong gained prestige through this action, but Gao Tzai, resenting him, opposed whatever compensation to be given to him, and in the autumn of 1606, obtained that he be sent to a secondary military post in the province of Zhejiang.Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 14 In the fourth place, and so that we may understand why the local magistrates of Fujian could not act on this problem according to their own standards, we are now going to consider the figure of Emperor Wan Li himself and his style of government, many times branded as indolent, irresponsible and indecisive, making him disregard any unpleasant advice and the remonstrations of his officers. 41 His inaction encouraged partisanship which fostered antagonism between the emperor and his court.The emperor became more withdrawn and his court dealings increasingly confined to written communication which, more than once, he would intentionally refuse to read. These descriptions of Wan Li perfectly explain the difficulties encountered by his officers, as culled from the Chinese sources: their inability to put a stop to the exploration of the â€Å"mountain of gold,† their forced collaboration with this expedition out of pure call of duty, even if they knew that they were indirectly protecting detestable fortune hunters.Consequently, during the reign of Emperor Wan Li, the coastal provinces seemed to be very much cut off from Beijing, which was why the mandarins had to choose between loyalty to the emperor and petty conflicts of local concern. And wh en the situation became out of hand, even persons like Xu Xue-ju (an honorable magistrate) sought pragmatic solutions to put an end to a hopeless predicament.This, at least, seems to be confirmed in Chapter 47 of Guo Que which makes a general summary of all that had happened in the months after the massacre: â€Å"The barbarians are afraid that China launches a punitive act against Luzon, which is why they sent some spies to Macao. However, the magistrates of Fujian and Guangdong did not want to report this. They only told the emperor half the truth, which is why the emperor only ordered the 42 people of Luzon: stop creating more problems! And thus the things remained as they were. † 41 See Ray Huang, Op. cit. , pp. 514-517.We have a most valuable testimony corresponding to the second document which Benavides translated and sent to the King of Spain, which carried a title he himself explains, â€Å"Copy of the petition which the supreme magistrate of the province or the reig n of hongkong gave to the King of China in order to persuade him not to listen to some Chinese who, in the year 1603, wanted to come from China to do battle and take the land of Luzon (Philippines) and that the King gave license and consent. † Cf. Colin & Pastells, vol. II, pp. 416-417. 42 GQ, Chapter 79 (vol. 8, p. 4917) Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 15